When we watch France with all its woes, we have to remember that we are dealing with the Fifth Republic — which seems an awful lot of republics to us. What is lacking in the French system is a hearty dose of good old English stupidity.
This is to paraphrase Walter Bagehot, the great Victorian writer on politics and finance. It is always somehow reassuring to find how something remains the same, despite our always being told that we live in an era of unprecedented change.
What Bagehot wrote has a familiar ring today. The French are clever, cleverer than us. But this leads them into the folly we avoid because we have no taste for brilliant schemes of government which lead to constant change.
A common British view of the French is that they are irritating — and arrogant, too. They have a self-assurance which, we think, they do not deserve. To be French, in their view, is to draw first place in the lottery of life.
Indeed their self-assurance is one of their charms and a cultural attitude which we could often do with.
The Franco-German alliance of the Fifties was meant to enable France to dominate the new Europe. It is failing now. An Anglo-French alliance as reformers of the EU would be more natural and may yet come to pass.
Our last experience of republicanism was in the 17th century under Oliver Cromwell, whose severed head is believed to lie in some stately home.
More... France's prime minister orders colleagues to stop using English as 'the language of the Republic is French' What the Left doesn't want you to know about Britain's £200 billion welfare bill Former Tory chairman Lord Tebbit says he can 'hardly blame' former Conservative voters for switching to the UK Independence PartyWe retain the old system, by and large. We lack an appetite for change, however cleverly presented. We even kept the House of Lords intact until quite recently.
France’s Fourth Republic collapsed in the face of street violence. The utter collapse of President Francois Hollande’s standing in less than a year has been unprecedented. Together with various ministerial scandals, it makes one wonder at times about the foundations of the Fifth Republic.
Hollande's party is now producing studies which even doubt the values of the Franco-German alliance, the key to the stability of the EU. German Chancellor Angela Merkel is seen as the author of many of France's problemsHollande’s party is now producing studies which even doubt the values of the Franco-German alliance, the key to the stability of the EU.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel is seen as the author of many of France’s problems.
And the accursed euro makes traditional displays of French independence of policy more and more difficult.
We in Britain have no taste for radical change. This might be challenged on the grounds that a whole new party has arisen in the form of UKIP (see below). But that party is not radical; it promises to win voters because it merely demands that we revert to the UK we once knew with its own policies on immigration, the law, the economy and everything else associated with independence — a positively old-fashioned policy.
Oddballs, old pals and two very panicky party leaders Cameron's moves are of interest to those well outside politics, as they suggest a keener sense of insecurity than one would expectThere is always room for a couple more Old Etonians in the Cameron retinue. And just to add what he called ‘breadth’ to his appointments, Cameron goes on to announce that he has also invited Christopher Lockwood to join the No 10 team.
He is not, you see, an Old Etonian. He went to St Paul’s, the London school noted for producing the brightest and the best.
The OEs are Jo Johnson, Boris’s brother, and Jesse Norman, who rather spoils the event by boasting that Eton is famous for providing those with an urge to ‘public service’. A useful phrase, much in use among young ambitious politicians.
In reality the urge is power and fame. It has dominated politicians throughout the ages. But a less pious phrase would be welcome.
Cameron’s moves are of interest to those well outside politics, particularly in the field of psychology.
They suggest a keener sense of insecurity than one would expect.
Surrounding oneself with old school mates may seem to provide security, you know (or think you know) how common experiences of adolescence gives a full character reference.
In reality, if we honestly think back to our youths, we realise how we were often silly. What foolish ideas, what nonsense we believed and spouted. The change in character between youth and adulthood can be very sharp. Hence the politicians who backed foolish beliefs when young but who veer right across the political spectrum at a later age.
There is something telling about Cameron’s decision to make these appointments — and to describe them as widening the No 10 area of experience — just before tomorrow’s local elections. It makes his separation from ordinary folk look worse; and it would have been easy to wait.
Ed Miliband dodged the question on his economic policy ten times in a now famous radio interview. For a man who prepares so assiduously for Prime Minister's Questions, this is odd. It suggests panicBut Ed Miliband has galloped to the rescue. As so often in politics, you can rely on enemies more than friends. The Labour leader dodged the question on his economic policy ten times in a now famous radio interview. For a man who prepares so assiduously for Prime Minister’s Questions, this is odd. It suggests panic.
It is also the sort of thing to bring a grin — another — to the face of UKIP leader Nigel Farage. He must be the only party leader who stands to gain in these elections whatever the result. For him, the important thing is to make people think about the party.
Minister without portfolio Ken Clarke obliged with a full-on attack, abandoning the old rule that serious enemies are best ignored, not built up as significant opponents.
Of course, oddballs can be found among UKIP candidates. But that can be said of the other parties, too, once you delve into candidates’ literature or background. No novelty here.
